Jul 30th 2010, 17:45 by Bagehot
ONE of the many shocks of returning to Britain after 12 years is the dramatic increase in powers for the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish devolved governments. I still feel a faint pang of surprise every time I hear a BBC reporter talk about some policy announcement from Westminster, only to add the caveat that it only applies to England and Wales, or even England alone.
Today's newspapers bring a fresh, salutary reminder that this country is run rather differently now. They report on an independent budget review in Scotland, which has recommended that the Scottish executive take a hard look at more or less every big-ticket spending item north of the border, ahead of hefty cuts in public spending.
In one sense, the items on the chopping block look familiar to anyone following the debate on public spending from London. The independent review, commissioned by ministers in Edinburgh, suggests that up to one in ten public sector jobs might have to disappear, ideally by natural wastage, meaning as many as 50,000 jobs. It talks of the urgent need to rethink funding for universities. It raises interesting questions about whether health service spending should be ring-fenced, ie, protected from cuts. The report spells out what a fall in capital spending will mean for big infrastructure projects like a new road bridge over the Firth of Forth.
Cuts are politically painful anywhere. The difference in Scotland, as local commentators point out, is that in several key areas successive devolved governments in Edinburgh have defined themselves by spending more generously than the British government. Put still more bluntly, the Scottish Nationalists (SNP) bought first place in the 2007 elections (though not an overall majority) by promising to freeze council tax, abolish student fees and make medical prescriptions free.
Other cherished benefits in Scotland, unknown in England, include free personal care and home nursing for the elderly. The independent review suggests all these policies could be at risk.
Douglas Fraser, business and economy editor at BBC Scotland, notes that the report may in fact undersell the crisis, as it assumes spending cuts of 12.5% will be needed. The British government in London is talking about departments having to identify cuts of between 25% and 40%.
Mr Fraser spells out the political subtext. The report, he argues, challenges:
...pretty much every spending innovation the Scottish Parliament has taken over the 11 years since it was set up.
Abolition of up-front student fees: free personal care for the elderly, free eye tests and dental checks: expanding provision of free school meals: free bus travel for all pensioners - and that was just those under Labour and the LibDems.
The SNP came in to power with abolition of bridge tolls, followed by abolition of the graduate endowment, phasing out of prescription charges and hospital car parking fees.
It's been opposed to letting Scottish Water out of ministerial hands, and it's opposed to private provision of NHS services.
This was the fiscal and dominant end of proving how home rule could make Scotland different.
And yet every one of these initiatives to expand state provision and eligibility has been directly challenged by the Independent Budget Review.
It also firmly rejects the campaigning style at three elections, in which parties offered an auction of additional police officers, nurses and reduced class sizes
For balance, it is worth noting that some corners of the Scottish press are still refusing to admit that the crisis is anything other than a brutal imposition by Anglo-Saxon financial scoundrels (standing in for Sassenach squires this time) on the decent people of Hibernia. Here, for example is the Herald's take:
It’s worth remembering, however, that the age of austerity was not brought about by the Scottish Government.
It started in the United States because big banks, including the Royal Bank of Scotland and HBOS, decided to lend money on an unbelievable scale to people who couldn’t afford to pay it back – the sub-prime market.
As a result thousands of people in Scotland have already lost their jobs and thanks to the irresponsible bankers, some of whom are now enjoying retirement on huge pensions, 50,000 more public sector workers could lose their livelihoods.
UK plc is deeply in the red and its Scottish subsidiary, as well as the other devolved nations, are sharing the pain, though Scotland, with its high reliance on public sector jobs, may feel it more than the others
Wales enjoys a rather diluted form of autonomy, compared to Scotland. But the Welsh first minister, Carwyn Jones, appears equally conscious that cuts in Wales are about more than money: they challenge a prevailing vision of society. The Guardian reports today that Mr Jones has been out and about for the last two weeks asking public sector workers for money-saving ideas. The genesis of his tour, the newspaper reports, was a visit to hospital with a stomach problem, when he found porters in the accident and emergency department "brimming with ideas" to save money and find news efficiencies.
Mr Jones leads the Welsh Labour party and governs in coalition with the Welsh nationalists of Plaid Cymru. You may think his listening tour sounds oddly reminiscent of David Cameron's "big society" drive to ask local communities how to spend money. The same thought occurred to the Guardian, it seems, because they report that Mr Jones "fought shy" of any comparison with the prime minister's localism push. Instead, Mr Jones told the newspaper:
"We take a different view in Wales. It's right the state has a role in looking after its citizens. That means delivering a decent health service, a good education service, I don't see what's wrong with that."
The Tories would doubtless protest that the big society also sees a role for the state in looking after its citizens, delivering a decent health service and the rest. But it is revealing that the Welsh first minister's instinct is to claim that his electorate takes a distinctive view of the contract between citizen and state. If that is true, then the cuts being decided in London will surely have distinctive political consequences in the devolved parts of the United Kingdom.
In this blog, our Bagehot columnist surveys the politics of Britain, British life and Britain's place in the world. The column and blog are named after Walter Bagehot, an English journalist who was the editor of The Economist from 1861 to 1877
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GR, I can see merit in each country raising its own taxes and passing on a contribution to the central coffers. Although each administration could raise or lower their taxes, presumably they would also be set a nominal target that matches their block allocation under the current system. So we still haven't got away from the difficulty of deciding how much money each administration should get.
Deciding the allocations on a population basis makes a lot of sense to me. Allocating according to need, not so much. Should schools in deprived areas cost more to run than those in wealthy areas? The main adjustment for deprivation comes through Social Security which is a reserved matter and isn't relevant to the block allocations. Administrations may need extra funds for particular devolved obligations - for example security in Northern Ireland - but I wouldn't apply a multiplier across the board.
Apologies, I meant to say that Scotland receives a population-based share of English spending increases in devolved areas rather than reserved areas.
The idea that the only factor that makes Scottish public policy under devolution distinctive is that it has involved spending lots of money has become a bit of a caricature of late. I think that is a somewhat simplistic view. But it has undoubtedly been a major thread.
I agree with what FFScotland says in many respects. Contrary to the suggestion made by rostbeef, the Barnett formula was in fact designed to bring public expenditure in Scotland down to the UK average, albeit over a rather longer timescale than Commentariat advocates. Scotland receives a proportion of the England or England and Wales expenditure increases in reserved areas in line with its share of UK population. There may well have been some 'formula bypass' over the years, but it has been stuck to pretty rigidly over the last decade or so. Given the significant real terms increases in UK public expenditure during the previous Labour administration, the differential has narrowed significantly.
It is still there, however, and I am sympathetic to calls for a UK-wide needs assessment. That would likely see the nations/regions with the highest public spending per head - Northern Ireland, London and Scotland - see reductions, while there would be increases in resources for Wales and some of the English regions.
However, looking at Scotland alone, this would be very much a second best. Far better, in my view, would be the 'full fiscal autonomy' approach, which would see the Scottish Executive/Government receiving all income from taxation north of the border, remitting an agreed amount to the UK Government for reserved matters. That would make Holyrood governments of all political hues think rather more carefully about whether simply flinging more money at a problem is necessarily the most effective policy response.
It would be interesting to know what state the public finances in Scotland were in just before the crisis. Although free personal care was coming in, my mum tells me there were a bunch of new charges brought in for home help services - things like a home help doing the shopping don't count as personal care and so they started to charge. At the same time, some public health programs in schools were getting cut. And this all predates the fiscal tightening.
I suspect that the fiscal tightening comes at a good time for the SNP. I think they would have needed to make cuts anyway due to their own lavish spending in recent years. But now they can blame it all on Westminster.
Confusingly expenditure within UK regions and budget figures for devolved governments are completely different things. You can't use the expenditure per head figures to discuss the fairness of the block allocations to each administration or the Barnett Formula generally.
A certain number of activities - eg defence, most social protection, business practice - are deemed reserved matters. Everything else, for Scotland at least, is a devolved matter. The Scottish Government gets a block grant from the UK that reflects its population share of "identifiable" UK spending on devolved matters. The block grant is slightly generous due to a kind of fiscal drag - Scotland's share of the population has fallen over the past years and there is still some residual benefit from a more generous arrangment prior to 1970.
"Identifiable" spending is spending that UK departments reckon are spent in each region for the benefit of identifiable residents. It ignores who does the spending but in Scotland's case about 40% is spent by the UK Government, 40% by the Scottish Government and 20% by Local Authorities. It's the UK Government's 40% share where the biggest difference between Scotland and the rest of the UK occurs. But a lot of this is non-discretionary eg Social Security, agricultural subsidies (relatively underpopulated Scotland has more agricultural land per head). Water treatment is a public expenditure in Scotland, but not England where it's privatised. Residents are charged for it, but this doesn't show up in expenditure figures.
Sorry for the long post. I agree with Bagehot's general comments. Governments in Scotland have been somewhat irresponsible.
Definitely time to consider becoming a federal based union. The UK would probably come out more united for it as well.
Scotland will end up feeling the pain that the same leftest cause they are following has caused the rest of the country. The sooner that the devolved regions wake up to this the better. Big state is not the answer, a move back to a level mixed economy would be far more sustainable, but you cannot blame England this time.
The interesting thing is how over-funded Scotland is relative to need (need based on poverty, demography etc). If the same formulae were applied to funding the devolved administrations as are used to allocate funds to English regions and localities, Scotland would get about £105 for every £100/head spent in England. It actually gets £121 per £100. For Wales, which is poorer, it should be getting £115 based on need, but actually gets £112 - short-changed.
If the funding regime was rebalanced to reflect need and align with the way money is redistributed in England, Scotland would lose about £4 billion from its £30 billion budget - and that's just to get to the a fair starting point for the cuts needed to rescue the public finances. Wales' funding would go up by about £400 million on its £15 billion budget. Northern Ireland isn't so easy to compare.
The Treasury has the option to make multi-£billion savings over the spending review by addressing devolved funding. An abrupt realignment would be damaging, but it could commit to rebalance funding in line with need over 5 five years. Scotland will soon have powers to vary more of its tax base, so it could make a genuine political choice to spend more and tax more, or it could cut down its spending to face the same choices that most of England has to live with.
Scotland is still coddled - courtesy of the (discredited, inappropriate & unfair) "Barnett Formula" it will still receive from English taxpayers £3 billion a year more than its due.
It also still has more seats at Westminster than merited by its population - let alone by devolution.
Whilst Wales remains short-changed £1 billion a year.
Caledonia, not Hibernia. Hibernia has its own problems...
So basically we're saying that the governments can't afford their pet projects and election promises....
But of course that's someone else's fault.
Who would have thunk it.
Listening could be the most expensive government program of them all. That's where I'll cut, if elected.